IHT Rendezvous: Environmental Warning Fatigue Sets in

Record levels of industrial smog? A dwindling number of fish in the world’s oceans? A 4° Celsius warming in global temperatures by the end of the century?

How about environmental warning fatigue?

Global concern for major environmental issues is at an all time low, according to the results of a global poll of more than 22,000 people in 22 countries, released earlier this week.

“Scientists report that evidence of environmental damage is stronger than ever — but our data shows that economic crisis and a lack of political leadership mean that the public are starting to tune out,” said Doug Miller, the chairman of GlobeScan, the company that carried out the study.

While respondents clearly still had grave environmental concerns, fewer people were “very concerned” about various environmental issues than at any point in the last 20 years. The sharpest decrease in global concern occurred over the last two years.

The issue of climate change, which 49 percent of respondents rated last year as “very serious” was the only exception to the general trend. Pollsters found that there was less concern between 1998 and 2003 than today.

Shortages of fresh water and water pollution were the highest global concern, with 58 percent of the respondents marking it as “very serious.”

Respondents were asked to rate seven different environmental issues – from climate change to loss of biodiversity – as being either a “very serious problem,” “somewhat serious problem,” “not very serious problem” or “not a serious problem at all.”

The latest numbers were gathered last summer in telephone and face-to-face interviews with participants in Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Japan, Kenya, Malaysia, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, Poland, South Korea, Spain, Turkey, the United Kingdom and the United States.

Join our sustainability conversation. Do you take the environmental issues more seriously now than in the past? Do you find yourself tuning out?

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Letter from Europe: Observing the Vatican From Within

ROME — On Feb. 11, the day Benedict XVI stunned the world with the announcement that he would resign from the papacy, Giovanni Maria Vian was at home, getting ready.

It was not surprising that the editor of L’Osservatore Romano, the Vatican’s newspaper, should have been among the handful of people who had advance notice. Sworn to secrecy, Mr. Vian told his staff to listen carefully to Vatican radio that morning.

Since his editors understand Latin, they immediately caught the gist of the pope's speech (so did a reporter for Ansa, the Italian news agency, who broke the story). Within hours, L’Osservatore hit the stands with the news, carefully packaged, and an editorial by Mr. Vian, which said Benedict had made his decision last spring after an exhausting trip to Cuba and Mexico.

“That was a scoop,” Mr. Vian said cheerfully, during an interview in his modest office on a Vatican side street, on a chilly evening after the rest of the staff had gone home.

Since then, Mr. Vian — a scholar whose doctoral thesis was on the writings of early Church leaders — has been calmly navigating the choppy waves of one of the biggest news stories of the year, as it veers from speculation about the next pope to rumors of more scandals in the Roman Catholic Church.

If Mr. Vian remains composed amid all the turmoil, it is because his eight-page newspaper, which comes out in Italian six days a week and weekly in several other languages, is hardly expected to follow the steady drip of slippery stories about gay lobbies, blackmail and dirty Vatican bank accounts.

“There’s nothing new,” he said. “With these articles, one should be very careful. It is normal that they come out now. On the eve of the election of a new pope, there are new dynamics afoot.”

The Vatican, he said, “is a small world, and there are different rumors, different voices. Many times, they are lies. It is very human, all this, but in the end, it all will serve to purify the church — the whole church, not just the Vatican.”

In Mr. Vian’s view, Benedict — who once said he had greeted his election with the dread of someone mounting the steps of the guillotine — had envisioned an early departure right from the start. But the pope, a frail 85, stayed on for almost eight years, Mr. Vian said.

“He doesn’t run away from the wolves,” he said.

So who are the wolves? Mr. Vian was at first surprisingly literal. “The wolves?” he asked. “The most obvious are those who persecute Christians.” There are other wolves, in Christian countries, who are intolerant of believers, he added.

But, he continued, “'there are also wolves within the church, and inside all humans.”

Mr. Vian, ever the scholar, swiveled back and forth between his bookshelf and his computer, pulling out references, from the Roman poet Ovid, and St. Paul’s Letter to the Romans, to the perpetual struggle between good and evil.

Then he dug out, from a pile of newspapers, a lengthy discourse by Benedict himself, made without notes on Feb. 8, in which he spoke of “serious, dangerous omissions,” “errors” and a church that in some places “is dying because of the sins of men and women.”

Mr. Vian, who has run articles on the church's sex abuse scandals, believes that the VatiLeaks scandal, involving the theft of papal documents, was itself a sign that Benedict had succeeded in bringing about greater transparency, prompting a counterreaction. “The papacy of Benedict XVI has been very effective,” he said.

Five years ago, when he was named editor of L’Osservatore, Mr. Vian was hailed as an intellectual journalist, well suited to serve an intellectual pope, who was now his publisher. But his interests range beyond ecclesiastical subjects to include Tintin, the comic-book boy-hero whose posters hang in his office.

Mr. Vian was no stranger to the Vatican. The son of the secretary of the Vatican library, from a family that had ties to previous popes, he grew up within its walls, and played with his brothers in its gardens.

To his father’s dismay, Mr. Vian dabbled in journalism, writing for the Italian Catholic newspaper Avvenire and L’Osservatore, even as he pursued his doctorate and worked on the Italian encyclopedia.

“A rather strange career,” he said, “but it has helped prepare me, to take a critical approach, to respect history and facts. Writing for the encyclopedia is rigorous and sober: You can’t mix in ideology.”

When he took over in the fall of 2007, he wasted no time making changes to the paper. He expanded international news coverage while playing down Italian politics, devoted more attention to economic subjects and widened the cultural scope to include modern phenomena like the Beatles and James Bond. Non-Catholic commentators, including a Jewish columnist, are regularly invited to publish.

He added two women to the paper’s staff — the first in its 152-year history — and started publishing a monthly supplement on “Women, the Church, the World.”

Speaking of Benedict’s resignation, Mr. Vian did not hide his regret. “I am very attached to this pope,” he said. “He’s a real gentleman, a humble, nice man — in other words, a man of God.”

During the last two weeks, Mr. Vian has published a stream of articles on Benedict’s papacy from around the world, including one by a ranking member of the Russian Orthodox Church and one by Shimon Perez, the Israeli president.

The views have been, not surprisingly, uniformly positive. “That’s normal,” said Mr. Vian, asking whether other editors would publish articles critical of their publishers.

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Thailand to Hold Peace Talks With Rebel Group

The Thai government agreed on Thursday to hold peace talks with a major rebel group in what analysts said was a hopeful but tentative sign that tensions may ease in an insurgency in southern Thailand that has left 5,000 people dead.

The agreement between a representative of the rebel group, the Barisan Revolusi Nasional, and Paradorn Pattanathabutr, secretary general of Thailand’s National Security Council, was signed in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Thai news media reported that the actual talks would begin in two weeks.

“This was just talks to have talks,” said Sunai Phasuk, an expert on the southern insurgency with Human Rights Watch in Thailand. “But it’s a very important public commitment. It’s a courageous decision.”

Numerous attempts at negotiations with rebels by Thai security agencies have foundered in recent years but analysts said this time they were encouraged by the presence of a senior figure from the rebel group, Hassan Taib, at the ceremony in Kuala Lumpur.

The talks appear to have the backing of the Malaysian government, which has sought to project the image of regional peacemaker in recent years by helping broker separate deals between rebel groups and the Philippines and Indonesian governments.

Thursday’s agreement comes after a spate of bombings by insurgents in southern Thailand and the failed attack on a Thai military base in February that left 16 insurgents dead.

In some ways southern Thailand appears ripe for a de-escalation of violence. The killing of teachers by insurgents  — more than 150 have been killed since 2004  —  has angered villagers and lead to public criticism by Muslim groups.

But one potential stumbling block in the negotiations will be knowing who to negotiate with. There are at least four major rebel groups and many factions and cells within them.

“The big trouble is to identify those who are in control,” said Panitan Wattanayagorn, a professor at Bangkok’s Chulalongkorn University and a specialist on southern Thailand.

Rungrawee Chalermsripinyorat, an expert on southern Thailand, called the agreement a “major milestone” but warned that the negotiation process, even if it succeeds could take years. The peace process between the Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front in the southern Philippines began in 1996 and only reached agreement last year, she said. “There are still remaining sticking points,” she said.

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India Ink: Revisiting the Horror in Sri Lanka

NEW DELHI — In the series of photographs shot in 2009, the bare-chested boy is first shown seated on a bench watching something outside the frame. Then he is seen having a snack. In the third image he is lying on the ground with bullet holes in his chest. The photographs, which were released last week by the British broadcaster Channel 4, appear to document the final moments in the life of 12-year-old Balachandran Prabhakaran, the youngest son of the slain founder of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, Velupillai Prabhakaran.

The images are from the documentary film “No Fire Zone,” which tells the story of Sri Lanka’s violent suppression of Mr. Prabhakaran’s equally violent revolution, which had come very close to securing a separate state for the Tamil minority of Sri Lanka. After 26 years of civil war between the Tamils, who are chiefly Hindus, and the Sinhalese majority, who are chiefly Buddhists, the Sri Lankan state won decisively in 2009. Human rights activists say that hundreds of Tamil fighters, political leaders and their families, including Mr. Prabhakaran and his family, did not die in action but were executed. They estimate that more than 40,000 Tamil civilians died in the final months of the war.

Within its borders, the Sri Lankan government appears to wink at its Sinhalese population to accept their congratulations for ending the war, but it maintains a righteous indignation when the world accuses its army of planned genocide.

“No Fire Zone” includes video footage and photographs shot on mobile phones by Tamil survivors and Sinhalese soldiers that were somehow leaked. The film’s director, Callum Macrae, told me that it will be screened at the 22nd session of the U.N. Human Rights Council, now under way in Geneva, where the United States plans to introduce a resolution asking Sri Lanka to investigate the allegations of war crimes by its army.

It is not clear what such a resolution will achieve because Sri Lanka’s powerful president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, who has a rustic swagger about him and a manly black mustache, is the triumphant face of Sri Lanka’s victory in the war. The Sri Lankan Army is unambiguously under his control. Whatever the worth of the resolution, India is expected to support it more enthusiastically than it did a similar resolution last March.

Over the years, the shape and location of Sri Lanka have inspired several Indian cartoonists to portray the island nation as a tear drop beneath India’s peninsular chin. This is an illogical depiction of Sri Lanka’s trauma because a tear drop is not sorrowful; it is a consequence of someone’s sorrow. Some caricatures that appeared in the late 1980s and early 1990s, however, showed the Indian peninsula weeping and Sri Lanka as the consequent tear drop. This imagery had a stronger logic. India’s history with Sri Lanka is, in a way, about a bumbling giant being hurt by a cunning dwarf.

Under the late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the type of strategists who imagine they are great Machiavellian characters, and love to add the prefix “geo” to “politics” to feel good about their advisory jobs, ensured that India armed and financed the Tamil rebels. In 1984, when she was assassinated and her son Rajiv Gandhi took over as prime minister, Sri Lanka was engaged in a full-fledged civil war. Now, India wanted to play gracious giant in the region and bring peace to Sri Lanka. In 1987, it sent troops to achieve that end. It was a disastrous move, and resulted in the deaths of nearly 1,200 Indian soldiers and thousands of Tamil fighters. In an act of vengeance, Mr. Prabhakaran made his greatest strategic blunder: ordering the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi.

On the early morning of May 22, 1991, as the news spread through Madras (now Chennai) by phone and radio, I saw people run out of their homes in some kind of delirium to pick up the newspapers from their porches. The city had just woken up to the improbable fact that a suicide bomber had killed Mr. Gandhi the previous night in a small town not far from Chennai. Until then, the southern state of Tamil Nadu, whose capital is Chennai, was a haven for the Tamil Tigers. Bound by a common language, the masses of Tamil Nadu felt a deep compassion for the struggle of Sri Lankan Tamils. But Mr. Gandhi’s assassination was seen by them as an act of war against India. The chief minister of Tamil Nadu at the time, Muthuvel Karunanidhi, who was accused of being a friend of the Tigers, went around Chennai in an open-roof van, standing with his palms joined in apology. That was not good enough. In the 1991 Tamil Nadu assembly elections, his party won only two seats.

But now, the plight of the Sri Lankan Tamils has returned as a passionate political issue in Tamil Nadu. Mr. Karunanidhi is too old to stand anymore but even as a patriarch who uses a wheelchair, he is a useful ally of the Indian National Congress party, which heads the national government. He has often demanded that the accomplices of Mr. Gandhi’s assassin now on death row in India be pardoned, and that President Rajapaksa be tried on war crimes charges. Last year, when the United States introduced a resolution against Sri Lanka, India was reluctant to back it for strategic reasons, including that it has commercial interests in Sri Lanka, which China is fast grabbing. But Mr. Karunanidhi and public sentiment in Tamil Nadu finally persuaded the Indian government to support it.

In a few days, when the United States introduces its new resolution against Sri Lanka, the brute forces of politics and practicality will ensure that the Indian government led by the Congress party, whose leader is Sonia Gandhi, will join other nations in asking Sri Lanka to explain how exactly it eliminated the organization that made her a widow.

Manu Joseph is editor of the Indian newsweekly Open and author of the novel “The Illicit Happiness of Other People.”

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India Ink: Narmada Devi, the Housewife from Uttar Pradesh

Why do millions of people, from entire Indian villages to urbane middle managers to foreign tourists, brave the crowds at the Kumbh Mela? During this year’s 55-day pilgrimage, to Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, an estimated 100 million Hindus and others are expected to take a holy dip in the Ganges River to wash away their sins. India Ink interviewed some of them.

Narmada Devi, 45, a housewife from Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, was one among them. This is what she had to say.

Why did you come to the Kumbh Mela this year? Is it your first time?

This is my fifth time. I came with family. We had a tough year last year. We wonder if it is because of the sins we have committed. We came here to wash them away.

How have you found it so far?

I love the excitement here. I am also fortunate that I am here on Mauni Amavasya, one of the main royal bathing days. They say that if we manage to take a dip today, we would be internally cleansed.

Describe your journey to the Kumbh. Did you travel alone? How long did it take?

We traveled in a horrible bus from Benaras. It took us longer than it should have. I don’t know how much time we spent on that bus, but it was an awful journey. I threw up the whole time.

Do you consider yourself a religious person?

We are Hindus. We follow Hinduism and worship Hindu gods. We have a pandit, or priest, in our town who we believe in, and we do whatever he asks us to – with respect to our profession, our future, etc. Apart from that, I don’t know what you mean by being religious.

Who do you think is going to win the 2014 election?

We don’t care if it is the Bahujan Samaj Party or the Samajwadi Party. We just want good governance. I can’t tell you how much we have suffered because of bad administration. Higher crime rates, not enough good education for my sons and my husband’s shop was also looted. No authorities came to our rescue.

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India Ink: Laliji, the Octogenarian from Bihar

Why do millions of people, from entire Indian villages to urbane middle managers to foreign tourists, brave the crowds at the Kumbh Mela? During this year’s 55-day pilgrimage, to Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh, an estimated 100 million Hindus and others are expected to take a holy dip in the Ganges River to wash away their sins. India Ink interviewed some of them.

Laliji, 80, from Chhapra, Bihar, was one among them. This is what she had to say.

Why did you come to the Kumbh Mela this year? Is it your first time?

I have come to the Kumbh before, but this is the first time my son brought me here. It was his way of showing his gratitude.

How have you found it so far?

I like it, especially since all my friends and fellow-villagers are here. We are celebrating it. The dip was memorable, though the water was cold. But I am enjoying.

Describe your journey to the Kumbh. Did you travel alone? How long did it take?

We took a bus from our house to the district headquarters, from where the village leaders had promised to arrange transport for us. But that seemed to be a crowded option, hence we decided to take another bus and come here.

Do you consider yourself a religious person?

I am very religious, and have brought up my eight sons that way. We are God-fearing people. We think twice before we can hurt anyone or anything. It’s not for nothing that we are respected in our village.

Who do you think is going to win the 2014 election?

I don’t understand politics. Last year, someone paid us to vote for them — we did.

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Insurgents Launch 4 Attacks in Afghanistan

KABUL — Afghan intelligence agents on Sunday shot and killed a man in a sport utility vehicle that officials said had been packed with explosives, foiling what they described as an attempt to set off a massive explosion in a neighborhood of narrow streets lined with foreign embassies.

At about the same time, Taliban suicide attackers set off three separate car bombs in two provinces near the capital. But the bombs did minimal damage,  officials said, and the toll from the Sunday violence was low. In addition to the two attackers and the suspect, two security guards and a police officer were also killed and five other people wounded, including one attacker who managed to flee.

A spokesman for the Taliban, Zabiullah Mujahid, said the insurgents were behind the three successful bombings. But he disavowed knowledge of the attempt in Kabul, saying Taliban commanders in the city had no plans for an attack on Sunday.

While it is not unusual for the Taliban to deny having a hand in a failed attack, much about the attempted bombing Sunday remained murky, with officials hailing Afghan security forces for acting quickly but offering only the barest details about how the man identified as a bomber was spotted.

The police chief of Kabul, Gen. Mohammed Ayoub Salangi, said the suspect was in a Toyota sport utility vehicle and was trying to pass through a checkpoint when he was recognized by agents from the country’s intelligence service, the National Directorate of Security.

The man “was gunned down,” General Salangi said. The agents had to act quickly, he added, saying that there was no time to inspect the vehicle or question the suspect because that would have given him the chance to detonate the explosives.

General Salangi, who in an earlier statement said there were two men in the car, did not say how or why the agents recognized the man. But he added that the car bomb was quickly defused and carted away.

The bombing attempt, in the Wazir Akbar Khan neighborhood, led some embassies to did briefly lock down the streets on which they are located and on which they control security. The spot where the man was shot were was less than a mile from the United States Embassy and the headquarters of the American-led coalition, neither of which offered any comment.

Earlier in the day, in Jalalabad, a city in eastern Afghanistan, a single bomber in a Toyota Corolla directly targeted the Security Directorate, officials said, detonating his explosive-laden vehicle outside a building used by the intelligence agency. Two guards were killed and a third was wounded, said Hazrat Mohammad Mashraqiwal, a police spokesman in Jalalabad.

Later on Sunday, two people in another car laden with explosives tried to enter the district governor’s compound in Baraki Barak district of Logar Province, south of Kabul. But they were stopped by police officers guarding the compound, prompting one man to jump and make a run for it and the other to set off the car bomb, said Abdul Rahim Amin, the governor.

One police officer was wounded in the attack, along with the man who fled.

Earlier in Logar, around dawn, a minivan packed with explosives was set off at a police post near the provincial capital, Pul-e-Alam. One officer was killed and two others wounded, an official said.

Sharifullah Sahak contributed reporting.

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India Ink: In Hyderabad, Anger and Frustration

Srinivas Mahesh, 28, was snacking outside his hostel near the Konark Theater in Dishknagar, his usual hangout in Hyderabad, when he heard a loud explosion Thursday evening. Not long after, he saw smoke filling up the air. Once he realized it was a bomb blast, instead of rushing back to his hostel he resolved to helping the injured.

“I saw disfigured bodies for the first time in my life,” he said. He helped three severely injured people into ambulances and took another injured man by auto to Osmania Hospital.

Mr. Mahesh, who is originally from Kurnool, came to Hyderabad two years ago to do a graduation in engineering from Ashok Institute in Dilsukhnagar. After yesterday’s blasts though, he might have to return home.

“My parents were visiting Hyderabad in 2007, when there were blasts. They had a tough time then,” he said. “After yesterday, they are convinced that this city is cursed and want me home.”

More than 24 hours after two bombs went off near the ever-crowded Dilsukhnagar bus stand, there is palpable frustration and anger in the area. N.Pradeep Reddy, 29, a chartered accountant who lives in Dilsukhnagar, heard the first blast and came to the balcony of his house. Then he saw the second explosion. Aghast, he couldn’t move for several seconds, he said.

Mr. Reddy’s family has been in Hyderabad for 10 years now, but now he is disillusioned with the charm of the city, he said. “No one cares for our lives here – not the politicians, not the media not the police,” he added.

Hyderabad has been the site of numerous explosions in recent years, including two in 2007 attacks that killed dozens of people.

Soon after Thursday’s blasts, the road in front of the Dilsukhnagar bus stand had a median dividing it into two. While traffic was allowed on one side, the other side of the road was cordoned off by the police.

“This is obstructing traffic and adding to the commotion,” said P. Sadanandam, who commutes through the road regularly. “They are not doing this for security, it is just so that the VIPs can visit the blast site and have a photo-op,” he said angrily.

Andhra Pradesh Director General of Police and other senior police officers visited the at blast site today to look for evidence.

All the shops on a two kilometer stretch on the Dilsukhnagar main road were shuttered down all day today. Some security men outside the shops said that this was not due to the bandh, or shutdown, that the Bharatiya Janata Party had called, but because the shop owners were sure that there would be no customers today. They might open on Monday, they said.

Narsing Vennala, 25, sells flowers on the main road. He is one of the only three flower vendors who reopened their shops today. A temple next door needs flowers, he said, and therefore he had to come to work.

His 18-year-old sister is so paranoid about his coming to work a day after the blasts that she keeps calling him every half-an-hour to check if he is alright.  Mr Vennala walks home at 11 p.m. every night, and he plans to do the same even today.

“Whatever had to happen, happened,” he said. “Now how long can we stay hungry and not earn because of that?”

“Bharat mata ki jai,” (Victory for mother India) was loudly shouted by a bunch of residents. They said that was their answer to those that were against peace in the country.  There was also some anti-Pakistan sloganeering.

One resident estimated that there were 500 to 600 educational institutions in Dilsukhnagar. They have offerings ranging from short-term computer courses to three-year degrees. Thousands of students, from smaller towns and neighboring districts, live in hostels around their respective institutions. Many of them were on the streets yesterday to help the injured.

While some students don’t see any option but to stay in the city, others, like Mr. Mahesh, are packing their bags.

“I have to go home, even if I don’t like to,” he said “My family will be worried every day I stay in Hyderabad.”

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India Ink: Can Doordarshan’s New Look Attract Profits?

A Doordarshan newscast from the late 1990s.

After it became the first TV channel in India in 1959, the public broadcaster Doordarshan enjoyed a monopoly on viewership for decades. Even after the government opened the airwaves to private players in 1992, Doordarshan enjoyed a 90 percent share of the audience in the 1990s and had no reason to take the threat of competition seriously.

Twenty years later, its rivals have not only caught up, but they have surpassed Doordarshan in terms of revenue. In the late 1990s, advertisers began to see Doordarshan, which dominates coverage in rural areas, as catering to only the lowest socioeconomic classes, and the public broadcaster slipped even further after an accounting scandal. Since then, Doordarshan has never turned a profit, and some media industry observers have even declared Doordarshan dead.

But Jawhar Sircar, chief executive of Prasar Bharati, the autonomous organization that includes Doordarshan and All India Radio, is betting that a complete overhaul of its TV programs, in both format and content, will draw the viewers that Doordarshan has lost to private satellite channels.

There is only one formula for success, said Mr. Sircar: “You bring out a good product, spend money, put in taste, autonomy and the right professionals, you will get the right product. You have the right product, you will get the right revenues,” he said.

Revenues are sorely needed at the government-financed broadcaster. According to the last five-year Broadcast Plan, which ended in March 2012, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting spent 122 billion rupees ($2.2 billion) of taxpayers’ money to run Prasar Bharti, which generated only 60 billion rupees in revenue over the same period. That means a loss of 62 billion rupees, or more than $1 billion, over the five years.

Prasar Bharti accounts for about 60 percent of Ministry of Information and Broadcasting’s budget, and Doordarshan takes about half that amount, raising the rest of the money it needs through advertising.

Reliable data on Doordarshan’s viewership is difficult to find because the company that reports ratings, Television Audience Measurement, covers only satellite channels, and Doordarshan’s network, which now has 37 channels and four affiliated channels, is largely terrestrial. Doordarshan has sued Television Audience Measurement, accusing it of under-reporting its audience and costing the broadcaster advertising revenue.

The biggest move for Mr. Sircar, who took over in March 2012, was to push aside the appointed bureaucrats who ran operations even though they had no media experience. For the first time in its history, Doordarshan’s news channel, known as DD News, has hired several news professionals who have worked with CNN, Bloomberg and BBC for its board. DD News also poached top anchors at major Indian channels like NDTV and Times Now.

“This new team is one of the best DD has ever seen,” said Rajiv Mehrotra, managing trustee of the nonprofit Public Service Broadcasting Trust, referring to Doordarshan. “They have ensured that Prasar Bharati, especially DD, is breathing again.”

The main focus of the makeover is Doordarshan’s prime-time news program, “News Night,” which now tackles controversial topics – a marked change at a network that has been criticized for allowing the government to shape its media coverage in the past. The last time Doordarshan went through an overhaul was in 2003, a year before the national elections, and the Bharatiya Janata Party-controlled central government ordered Doordarshan to downplay certain events, like the deadly 2002 riots in Gujarat, a B.J.P. stronghold.

“DD News has always been known for dry reporting on government affairs,” said Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, an independent journalist who has worked with the public broadcaster.

On Wednesday night, DD News officially introduced its retooled show with a discussion on the state of the Indian TV news media and the role a public broadcaster should play, led by anchors already well known for their work at other channels, which lent the program a gravitas that had been missing when newsreaders used to present the news.

Given that this latest revamp also comes a year before national elections, many in the media industry are closely watching Doordarshan for any evidence of government meddling. Manish Tiwari, the information and broadcasting minister, promised at a news conference earlier this month that “this time, the government would keep an arm’s length from content and presentation of DD.”

But Rajiv Mehrotra, a longtime TV producer for Doordarshan, said Prasar Bharati’s “identity crisis” may limit the scope of the new changes.

“Prasar Bharati has to stay on the right side of the government as it gets a substantial monetary help from them, and it cannot go whole hog like the privately owned channels do,” he added.

Next in line for a makeover is the early morning show, with sharper reporting and market analysis planned, and then DD National, the entertainment channel, and DD Urdu.

On the technical side, Doordarshan will change from analog to digital transmitters, which will allow for enhanced picture quality, spectrum efficiency and multichannel transmission from a single transmitter. Other technological changes will allow Doordarshan to split screens so that more than one person can be shown on air, something private news channels have long been able to do.

Mr. Sircar also put the network’s outside broadcasting vans to use so that reporters could do live reports outside the studio. “We never used our O.B. vans. It was such a waste of our resources,” he said.

DD News is also getting a new, more polished look. At his office in New Delhi, Mr. Sircar pointed at two large TV screens, which displayed the new DD News format on one screen and an NDTV 24×7 format on the other. Both screens had four boxes with an expert in each one discussing swine flu in Delhi.

“See the similarity?” he asked. “There used to be a miserable green board behind a sleepy anchor on DD News before. We have changed the color scheme to make it in tune with the younger generation.”

While there may be a similarity in form and presentation between the private channels and DD News, there will never be a similarity in content, pledged Mr. Sircar. “We will stick to the ideals of public service broadcasting and never sensationalize news,” he said.

In the current five-year Broadcast Plan, which ends in March 2017, the government has agreed to raise the amount it gives Prasar Bharati to 132 billion rupees. Whether its faith in Mr. Sircar is rewarded, however, is uncertain.

“Now is the time,” said Mr. Thakurta, the independent journalist. “DD can become the Indian version of the BBC or Al Jazeera or just a mouthpiece of those in authority. Only time will tell.”

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This post has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: February 22, 2013

"An earlier version of this article misstated the year of the Gujarat riots, which happened in 2002, not 2003. "

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Car Bomb in Damascus Kills Dozens, Opposition Says

Sana/European Pressphoto Agency

An injured man was carried near the site of a car bomb explosion in Damascus on Thursday.

In renewed violence reaching the center of the Syrian capital, a car bomb exploded in Damascus on Thursday near the headquarters of President Bashar al-Assad’s ruling party, killing more than two dozen people, mainly civilians and but also including security forces, according to opposition sources.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, an anti-Assad group based in Britain that has a network of contacts in Syria, reported that at least 31 people were killed by the bomb in the neighborhood of Mazraa.

Syrian state television said two children were wounded, while Al Ikhbariya, a pro-government television channel, showed footage of two dead bodies and body parts in a park.

The area where the bomb exploded was near the headquarters of Mr. Assad’s ruling Baath Party and the Russian embassy. State television and the Syrian Observatory also said that mortar shells exploded near the Syrian Army General Command in the center of the capital, but there were no reported casualties.

The strikes were the latest to extend to the heart of the Syrian capital.

Reports this week appeared to show that rebel shells have reached new areas in Damascus.

Both state media and opposition activists reported on Wednesday that mortar rounds had hit the Tishreen sports stadium in the downtown neighborhood of Baramkeh. The state news agency, SANA, said the explosion killed an athlete from the Homs-based soccer team Al Wathba as he was practicing.

Government forces hit a rebel command center in a suburb east of the capital on Wednesday, injuring a founder of the Liwaa al-Islam brigade, Sheik Zahran Alloush, the brigade said in a statement.

On Tuesday, activists reported that up to seven mortar rounds had been fired by fighters of the Free Syrian Army toward Mr. Assad’s Tishreen Palace in Damascus.

There were no immediate reports of casualties, and it was not known whether Mr. Assad was there at the time. The palace, surrounded by a park, is in a wealthy area that has largely been insulated from the insurgency and it lies less than a mile from the main presidential palace.

Syrian rebels are entrenched in suburbs south and east of the capital, but they have been unable to push far into the center, although they strike the area with occasional mortars and increasingly frequent car bombs.

Such indiscriminate attacks however risk killing passersby, exposing the rebels to charges that they are careless with civilian life and property. Many Damascus residents are undecided about taking sides and fear their ancient city will be ravaged like Aleppo and other urban centers to the north.

At the same time, the government has decimated pro-rebel suburbs with air strikes and artillery, leaving vast areas depopulated or terrorized.

Fighting continued also for control of the main civilian airport in Aleppo on Wednesday.

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Pistorius Denies Murder in Killing of Girlfriend

PRETORIA, South Africa — Facing a charge of premeditated murder following the killing of his girlfriend, Oscar Pistorius, the double amputee track star and one of the world’s best-known athletes, flatly denied on Tuesday that he intended to take her life when he opened fire at a closed bathroom door at his home last week.

“I fail to understand how I could be charged with murder, let alone premeditated, ” he said in an affidavit read to a packed courtroom, “I had no intention to kill my girlfriend.”

His assertion contradicted an earlier accusation from prosecutor Gerrie Nel that Mr. Pistorius committed premeditated murder when he rose from his bed, pulled on prosthetic legs, walked more than 20 feet from a bedroom and pumped four bullets into the door, three of which struck Reeva Steenkamp, Mr. Pistorius’s girlfriend, on the other side.

It was the first time that either the prosecution or Mr. Pistorius, appearing at a bail hearing, had publicly provided details of their version of events. The case — one of the most sensational in recent times — stunned South Africa last Thursday when the police arrived at Mr. Pistorius’s house in a gated community in Pretoria to find Ms. Steenkamp dead from gunshot wounds.

“We were deeply in love and I could not be happier. I know she felt the same way,” Mr. Pistorius’s affidavit said. As it was read out, the athlete wept uncontrollably so that magistrate Desmond Nair ordered a brief recess to permit him to regain his composure.

Mr. Pistorius said he heard a noise from the bathroom and put on stumps, not prosthetic legs. He was nervous, he said, because the toilet window did not have burglar bars and contractors who had been working there had left ladders.

The room was dark, he said, and he did not realize that Ms. Steenkamp was not in bed. He felt vulnerable and fearful without his prosthetics and opened fire at the door, he said, then broke it down with a cricket back to discover Ms. Steenkamp.

He carried her downstairs, he said, and “she died in my arms.”

Earlier, Mr. Nair, the magistrate, had said he could not exclude premeditation in the killing so Mr. Pistorius’s bail application would be much more difficult. But he said he would consider downgrading the charges depending on evidence at subsequent hearings.

Prosecutor Nel said Ms. Steenkamp, a model and law graduate who had just made her debut in a reality television show, had been in a tiny room measuring less than 20 square feet when the shots rang out. “She could not go anywhere,” he said. “It must have been horrific.”

“She locked the door for a purpose. We will get to that purpose,” he said. She was struck by three of the four rounds, he said.

But a lawyer acting for Mr. Pistorius, Barry Roux, said the defense would “submit that this is not a murder.” He said there was no evidence that Mr. Pistorius, 26, and Ms. Steenkamp, 29, had fought and there was no evidence of a motive. He also challenged the prosecution to produce a witness to corroborate its version of Mr. Pistorius’s actions.

“Scratch the veneer” of the prosecution case, he said, and there was no evidence to support it.

“All we really know is she locked herself behind the toilet door and she was shot,” Mr. Roux said.

Mr. Nel, the prosecutor, however, declared: “If I arm myself, walk a distance and murder a person, that is premeditated,” he said. “The door is closed. There is no doubt. I walk seven meters and I kill.”

He added “The motive is ‘I want to kill.’ That’s it.”

If convicted of premeditated murder, Mr. Pistorius would face a mandatory life sentence, though under South African law he would be eligible for parole in 25 years at the latest. South Africa abolished the death penalty in 1995.

Mr. Pistorius was appearing for the second time since Friday. He arrived in court looking grim-faced, his jaw set. But, as during his earlier appearance, he broke down in tears when the prosecutor said that he had “killed an innocent woman.”

As the court went into a midday recess, Ms. Steenkamp’s private funeral service began in the southern coastal city of Port Elizabeth, her hometown, with six pallbearers carrying a coffin swathed in a white cloth and white flowers as mourners expressed emotions from dismay to rage. More than 100 relatives and friends attended the funeral at the Victoria Park crematorium.

"Why? Why my little girl? Why did this happen? Why did he do this?" June Steenkamp, the victim’s mother, said in a published interview in The Times of Johannesburg.

Gavin Venter, a former jockey who worked for the victim’s father, a horse trainer, said on Tuesday, “She was an angel. She was so soft, so innocent. Such a lovely person. It’s just sad that this could happen to somebody so good.”

“I’m disgusted with what he did. He must be dealt with harshly,” he added, according to news reports.

The affair has stunned a nation that had elevated Mr. Pistorius as an emblem of the ability to overcome acute adversity and a symbol of South Africa’s ability to project its achievements onto the world stage.

During his first court appearance on Friday, Mr. Pistorius did not enter a formal plea. But a statement released by his agent said that he disputed the charge of premeditated murder “in the strongest terms” and that “our thoughts and prayers today should be” for Ms. Steenkamp, and her family, “regardless of the circumstances of this terrible, terrible tragedy.”

Mr. Pistorius was born without fibula bones and both of his legs were amputated below the knee as an infant. But he became a Paralympic champion and became the first Paralympic sprinter to compete against able-bodied athletes at the 2012 London Olympics.

His triumphs made him a global track star. Several companies have withdrawn lucrative sponsorships and his case has played into an emotional debate in South Africa about violence against women.

Members of the Women’s League of the ruling African National Congress protested outside the building, waving placards saying: “No Bail for Pistorius,” Reuters reported.

Lydia Polgreen reported from Pretoria, South Africa, and Alan Cowell from London.

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South African Leader Launches New Political Party

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - Respected anti-apartheid activist Mamphela Ramphele launched a new political party on Monday to challenge South Africa's ruling ANC, saying self-interested and corrupt leaders were threatening the continent's biggest economy.

Invoking the spirit of Nelson Mandela and the optimism that prevailed at South Africa's first all-race elections in 1994, Ramphele said the dream of the "Rainbow Nation" was dying under the African National Congress (ANC).

"Our society's greatness is being undermined by a massive failure of governance," she said, urging South Africans to "build our nation into the country of our dreams".

Ramphele, 65, faces a formidable challenge. Although political support for the ANC is weakening 19 years after the end of white-minority rule, it remains an unrivalled political machine and commands a nearly two-thirds majority in parliament.

But the medical doctor and former World Bank managing director has the respect of much of the country's black majority as a partner of Black Consciousness leader Steve Biko, who died in 1977 in apartheid police custody.

She was also placed under house arrest for seven years by the apartheid government because of her political work. She has regularly challenged authority and the ANC on its failings.

The new party, which will contest elections due early next year, will be called 'Agang', the Sesotho word for "Let us build".

The ANC "noted" her announcement but said Ramphela's launch speech, outside the Constitutional Court in central Johannesburg, offered nothing new.

The 101-year-old liberation movement also dismissed Ramphele's accusation that it was to blame for income inequality, social violence, failing education and other problems.

"The criticism of the ANC is a failure to acknowledge that many of the challenges were not created by the ANC. It is historical," party spokesman Keith Khoza said.

"Any party that won elections would have faced the same societal issues in education, health, housing and so on."

A group of ANC heavyweights split off in 2008 to form the Congress of the People (COPE) but the party fared poorly in elections the following year and has since all-but imploded amid infighting and wrangling.

(Reporting by Jon Herskovitz; Writing by Ed Cropley; Editing by David Dolan and Andrew Heavens)

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IHT Rendezvous: In Singapore's Immigration Debate, Sign of Asia's Slipping Middle Class?

BEIJING — Immigration is a hot-button issue nearly everywhere in the world, though the contours of the debate vary from place to place. In the United States, sweeping changes to the law may offer legal residency for millions of people who have entered the country illegally, my colleague Ashley Parker reports.

Here in Asia, in the nation of Singapore, the debate looks somewhat different: The government plans to increase the population from just over five million to a possible high of nearly seven million by 2030, via regulated, legal immigration. It’s provoking opposition.

So much so that on Saturday, about 3,000 people turned out for what some commentators said was one of the biggest demonstrations in the nation’s history. (If the number seems small, it reflects the tight political control exerted over Singapore life by the People’s Action Party, which has run the country for about half a century and discourages public protest.)

What are the contours of the debate in Singapore?

Concern over booming immigration, often focused on new arrivals from increasingly rich China, has been simmering in the nation, with many feeling that the immigrants don’t play by the same rules, that their manners are poor and that they are pushing up prices. That feeling crystallized last year when a wealthy Chinese man driving a Ferrari at high speed killed three people (including himself) in a nighttime accident.

(Similar sentiments are found in Hong Kong, as my colleagues Bettina Wassener and Gerry Mullany wrote.)

Vividly illustrating the resentment, Singaporeans sometimes call the wealthy immigrants “rich Chinese locusts,” according to an article in the Economic Observer’s Worldcrunch.

Less controversially, the article quoted Peng Hui, a professor of sociology at National Singapore University, as saying: “Singaporeans do not discriminate against the Chinese. On the contrary, they very much identify with their Chinese ancestry.” (Of course, rich Chinese are not the only new immigrants, but they are a major group, many commentators have pointed out.) “What the local people do not appreciate is the fact that Chinese people talk loudly in public, eat on the subway and like to squeeze through in a crowd or grab things,” Mr. Peng was quoted as saying.

So the Singapore government’s Population White Paper that passed in Parliament earlier this month, just before Chinese New Year, was bound to stir things up.

The government is presenting the rise in immigration as a target that is needed if Singapore, where immigrants already make up about 40 percent of the population, and which has the highest concentration of millionaires in the world, is to continue to flourish, reports said. Singaporeans just aren’t having enough children, said the prime minister, Lee Hsien Loong.

“In my view, in 2030, I think 6 million will not be enough to meet Singaporeans’ needs as our population ages because of this problem of the baby boomers and bulge of aging people,” Mr. Lee said in Parliament, adding that 6.9 million was not a target but a number to be used to help plan for infrastructure.

“Do we really need to increase our population by that much?” wrote a person called Chang Wei Meng in a letter to The Straits Times, according to Reuters. “What happened to achieving the Swiss standard of living?”

Gilbert Goh, a main organizer of the rally Saturday at Singapore’s Speaker’s Corner in a public park, said the protesters had a message: “They want to tell the government, please reconsider this policy. The turnout is a testimony that this policy is flawed and unpopular on the ground,” The Associated Press quoted Mr. Goh as saying.

Yet amid the familiar rhetoric about immigrants, heard around the world – they don’t fit in, they’re rude, they’re different – might something more important be going on here?

In a blog post on Singapore News Alternative, Nicole Seah, a politician who has run for Parliament and comments on social issues, wrote: “Along with many other Singaporeans, I oppose the White Paper.”

Why? She is looking for “a society that lives in harmony, rather than tense and overcrowded conditions,” she writes.

“Not the Singapore Inc. that has been aggressively forced down our throats the past few years – a Singapore which is in danger of becoming a transient state where people from all over, come, make their fortunes, and leave.”

Not “a Singapore that has become a playground for the rich and the people who can afford it. A Singapore where the middle class is increasingly drowned out because they do not have the social clout or sufficient representatives in Parliament to voice their concerns.”

Ms. Seah’s statements raise an interesting question: Is this part of a phenomenon that the columnist Chrystia Freeland has written about so ably for this newspaper, the ascendancy of a wealthy, “plutocrat” class and the slipping status of the middle class?

As Ms. Freeland wrote last week: “The most important fact about the United States in this century is that middle-class incomes are stagnating. The financial crisis has revealed an equally stark structural problem in much of Europe.” Is it hitting Asia, too, and does Singapore’s protest speak, at least in part, to this? Hong Kong’s dissatisfaction too?

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India Ink: The 'One Billion Rising' on the Streets of Delhi

On Valentine’s Day in Delhi, the pink band was ubiquitous, tied around arms, on wrists and foreheads, around necks and backpacks. Printed on it were the words “Enough! No More Violence Against Women.”

On Thursday evening, as many set out for the customary Valentine’s Day dinner in the nation’s capital, several hundred men, women and children gathered at Parliament Street for an unorthodox celebration: a movement using music and dance to oppose violence against women.

“We don’t want violence; we want love,” said Kamla Bhasin, the movement’s South Asia coordinator, to a cheering crowd of about 500 people. She rejected love in the form of an Archies card or expensive jewelry, saying: “We want a just love, a love based on equality.”

In nearly 200 countries around the world, people took to the streets Thursday with a carnival spirit as part of One Billion Rising, a campaign initiated by Eve Ensler, the author of “The Vagina Monologues,” to highlight violence against women. In India, the message mirrored widespread public sentiment that has swelled after the gang rape and death of a 23-year-old physiotherapy student in Delhi in December, bringing women’s rights and safety to the center stage of civic and political discourse.

“This is a representation of our faith in the cause,” said Namrata Kumar, a 19-year-old student of philosophy, pointing to the dancing crowds at the event. “We can’t allow the government and ourselves to forget about this fight.”

The campaign Thursday was a continuation of that fight, but appeared to have taken on a different avatar. In recent months, young Indians have poured out in angry protests, condemning a police force that often exists for the preservation of power rather than the protection of people, and a political class that has routinely displayed apathy. For weeks, students, activists and others braved the Delhi winter, and the government’s lathis, or wooden staffs, and water cannons, to demand gender equality.

Thursday’s event, which was attended by dozens of young people from Delhi University and student organizations, seemed to herald a broader movement, one focused on changing societal mindsets and individual attitudes rather than railing against the government.

Ms. Bhasin chanted: “Women united!” The crowds roared back: “Will never be defeated!”

Many spoke of the recent events as a turning point that represented a new era of proactive fighting for gender justice.

“It’s very positive, very uplifting,” said Soumya Shankar, a 22-year-old political science student at Delhi University, as she swayed to the live performance of a popular traditional Indian song, “Lal Meri.” “This is not about a cause; it’s not about the angst. We are celebrating being women and being equal.”

To Ms. Shankar and many others, Thursday’s event was a testament to how some mindsets have already changed in a fairly short period of time. The evidence, she said, was that the crowd of young men and women had chosen to spend Feb.14 celebrating femininity rather than indulging in the “banal” proceedings that accompany an “overexposed Archies culture.”

The evening’s events, which lasted three hours, included a host of cultural performances: dances to the tunes of “Jai Ho,” an evocative song from “Slumdog Millionaire,” by men on wheelchairs and visually impaired women; a skit on domestic violence, which ended with a battered wife standing up to her abusive husband; recital of defiant poetry and inspirational songs by young women.

Standing alongside these women were scores of men, including Prateek Singh, a 28-year-old chef at a luxury hotel in Delhi, who had read about the event on Facebook. He had not been able to persuade his friends to join, he lamented. They were content, he said, with reading about horrific crimes against women and expressing relief that they had been spared similar attacks.

He had come out in part because he felt “suffocated,” he said, as he was viewed as a “threat” and a “sexual predator” because he is a man. He recounted a recent incident when he offered his seat on the Metro to a woman, but she eyed him with suspicion and declined.

On Thursday, Mr. Singh participated in a flash mob, choreographed by a group of young professionals to the beats of “Jago Delhi Jago,” a song they composed for the event. Hundreds clapped their hands and sprang up in the air, as they sang the words and cheered raucously.

Many had learned the dance routine in advance, having watched the instructional video online or attended the rehearsal last week in the city’s Deer Park. But many joined the mob spontaneously, mimicking those ahead of them.

“The idea is to get noticed, to be heard,” said Aseema Shukla, 18, a student at Delhi’s Indian Institute of Technology. “We don’t need to be heard in an angry or hurt voice, we can also be heard in a happy and cheerful way.”

Across the country, people mobilized to participate in One Billion Rising. Hundreds participated in the traditional dance of garba in Gujarat; In Bhopal, the actress and activist Shabani Azmi addressed a large crowd; In Mumbai, a star studded event saw dozens come out to dance and sing.

Celebrating this “changing social consciousness” was the television host Richa Anirudh, accompanied by her teenage daughter and 57-year-old mother at the Parliament Street event in Delhi. Ms. Anirudh recounted an incident when she was 21 and was harassed on a bus. At the time, she hoped that she would have enough money so that her daughter would never have to take the bus. Today, she said, she feels otherwise.

“The environment has to change; the people on the bus have to change, and it won’t happen if we run away from it,” said Ms. Anirudh, 38. “I want to participate in the change.”

Echoing this sentiment, Ms. Bhasin demanded freedom: “for walking freely, for talking freely, for dancing madly, for singing loudly.”

Crowds cheered, flags waved and the pink bands rose.

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IHT Rendezvous: Glimpses of Jean Arp's World

CLAMART, France—The street is typical French suburbia, gray and peaceful, a far stretch from the narrow sidewalks, rooftops and, in early 20th century, artists’ studios of Montmartre, but only a few kilometers from Paris. Yet, in the 1930s, up this steep and curvy stretch, lived two members of the avant-garde — Jean Arp and Sophie Taueber. Joan Miro, Max Ernst, Marcel Duchamp and James Joyce were among their visitors.

Arp (1886-1966) was a pioneer of surrealism and a member of the Dada movement, the branch of surrealism that called for a return to childhood spirit and the destruction of all established rules. After working in Zurich and then in Paris in Montmartre, he and Taueber, another free thinker (they eventually married), bought a piece of land in Clamart and built a house at the edge of a forest. Taueber designed it, influenced by the Bauhaus, Le Corbusier and Charlotte Perriand.

More than 80 years later, the three-story “maison-atelier” still stands, and a decade-long renovation has just been completed.

“It’s a house imbued with the serenity and simplicity of both artists,” said Claude Weil-Seigeot, the president of the Arp Foundation in France. “When I saw all of this might disappear if no one acted, I decided to give battle,” she said.

Keeping the building “modest and intimate” was a prerequisite for Ms. Weil-Seigeot when work began on the house in 2003. The renovations, including the construction of a little bookstore that opens onto the garden, were all done using the typical “meulière” stone of the Paris suburbs that Taueber had used in the ’30s. Ten years later, the work, done little by little so the house would not have to close to visitors, is finally finished, simultaneously with the publication of “Atelier Jean Arp et Sophie Taueber,” an art book, with text by Renaud Ego, on the history of the house and its occupants.

There are three Arp foundations in Europe: The one in Clamart, which preserves the atelier where Arp lived and worked for most of his life; one in Locarno, Switzerland, founded by Arp’s second wife, Marguerite Arp-Hagenbach, and the Stiftung Arp eV, a German organization, which holds the rights of reproduction of Arp’s work and owns most of the artist’s sculptures.

Relationships among the three foundations were problematic in the past, according to the German foundation’s curator, Maike Steinkamp.

“Now the aim is that we cooperate; when there are problems with authenticity, we talk,” she said. A publication released last year, “Hans Arp. Sculptures— A Critical Survey,” by Kai Fischer and Arie Hartog, took note of all known sculptural objects related to Arp including posthumous and unauthorized casts, causing some controversy with its revelations.

Its aim was to create transparency in Arp’s work, said Ms. Steinkamp. “We are happy with that objective and will now not be casting any new sculptures because of all the problems the survey revealed about the past.”

The German and French foundations wrangled over some of Arp’s work; some of it had been moved to Germany. Once it had been established that it was Arp’s wish that they remain in his atelier, they were returned. Most of the sculptures are now back on view in Clamart. “When I’m asked who picked the sculptures to be on show here, I like to joke and say ‘it was all work of the bailiff.’” Ms. Weil-Seigeot said, smiling. “It’s the bailiff’s collection.”

Only about 2,000 visitors tour the house each year, she said, by necessity. “It’s so intimate, when there are more than 30 people in the house at once, it’s panic!”

Through the windows, up the stairs, you can peer into the artists’ workspace. There you see drawings, collages, words and sculptures. Even in deep winter, Arp’s sculptures reflect the garden’s afternoon light.

“He was very attached to the dialogue between nature and his art,” Ms. Weil-Seigeot said.

Trees tower above the studio with only natural light filtering in. In his definition of Dada, Arp introduces nature:

“Dada is direct like nature and tries to give essential room to every thing. Dada is for infinite meaning and definite media,” he wrote.

His sculptures have the shapes of curvaceous bodies, old sinuous trees or seashells that stayed underwater so long that their surfaces have eroded.

“We try to let visitors approach the artwork freely, we don’t want to impose any cultural filter on them,” Ms. Weil-Seigeot explains, following the artist’s desire to let art speak to the senses.

“One has to create like nature,” Arp once said.

When schoolchildren come for group visits, they are given gloves and are allowed to touch the sculptures in the garden to feel their smooth surface. No words are needed.

“They are the ones who understand it the best,” says Ms. Weil-Seigeot. “Because they have no filter yet.”

The Fondation Arp is at 21 rue des Chataigniers in Clamart. Visiting hours are Friday, Saturday and Sunday from 2 p.m. to 6 p.m. by appointment. More information at www.fondationarp.org

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India Ink: Tibetans' Self Immolation Nears 100

A Tibetan man doused himself with gasoline and set his body alight on Wednesday in Katmandu, the capital of Nepal, Jim Yardley wrote in The New York Times.

This incident takes the number of self immolations by Tibetan exiles protesting China’s rule in their home country just one shy of 100. “The flames of fire raging in Tibet have consumed the lives of 98 Tibetans,” a white paper published last month by the Tibetan Policy Institute said.

The white paper lists all of the first 98 who have set themselves on fire, including their names, parents names and “Aspirations/slogans.” Boys as young as 15 years have killed themselves in the recent pro-Tibet campaign, as well as several women, including a “mother of four,” the paper said.

Advocacy group Save Tibet reported another self immolation by a Tibetan exile in Dharamsala, Himachal Pardesh, the home of the Tibetan government in exile later in January, taking the number documented since February 2009 to 99.

Read the full white paper.

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IHT Rendezvous: Lively Online Reactions in China to Nuclear Test

BEIJING — As the world grapples with the news that North Korea has conducted a nuclear test, what is the reaction here in China, often considered North Korea’s one true friend, the ally that was as “close as lips and teeth”?

The reaction from China’s foreign ministry appeared muted, no different from statements it has made on the issue in the past. It said it “firmly opposed” the test and called for calm, Xinhua, the state news agency, said.

But online the conversation flowed briskly as the test trended on microblog sites with nearly 40,000 comments tagged to “nuclear test” or “earthquake” by late afternoon, on Sina Weibo, the biggest microblog site. Much of the conversation was critical – but there were supporters.

Sounding worried, a user called @Bianju fanxin wrote that after China carried out nuclear tests in Lop Nor, its former Central Asian testing site, there was radioactive fallout in cities. With this explosion near the China-North Korea border, “how many Chinese cities will receive contamination?” (The test was underground but his concern about radiation was quite widely shared by others.)

Tiankongzhong de qingjiao wrote: “The nuclear test is only 400 kilometers from my hometown,” and followed it with an angry face symbol.

Another, Hongqinshijian-nongtian, wrote: “Oh oh oh, Northeast Asia is unstable again!”

“If Chinese people had the vote, would North Korea dare to do this?” wrote @Aji de weibo. “And they still don’t cut off Three Fatty’s milk,” referring to Kim Jong-un, North Korea’s leader and the third-generation leader of the Kim family. “I **!” the person concluded.

Even Hu Xijin, the editor of the nationalist Global Times newspaper, was critical: “North Korea is going down a wrong road. Its people will pay for the nation’s mistakes. North Korea’s political power must be re-considered.” His comment was forwarded over 2,300 times and drew nearly 1,600 very varied, responses.

One contained an apparent dig at China’s support of North Korea: “Chinese political power must be re-considered even more,” wrote weeks8888.

But North Korea has its supporters, too.

Praising the test, Dujiangji wrote: “For China’s Pacific strategy, a nuclear ally in North Korea is in China’s national interests. Plus, we should study the North Korean people’s unbending and unswerving spirit in the struggle of international relations.”

Dai Xu, whose “verified” Weibo account (the “V” lends users a stamp of authority) identified him as an “active Air Force colonel” and a “military expert,” said: “Blaming North Korea is easy. But every time the international community blames North Korea it hastens its way forward. Does the world really have no other wisdom other than blame?”

He continued: “Why doesn’t anyone ask North Korea why it carries out nuclear tests? Why doesn’t anyone think about how North Korea’s nuclear tests are an explosive result of America’s strategy of pressure? People should know that blaming won’t work on a country with an extreme lack of sense of security.” The comment was forwarded nearly 230 times.

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Letter From Europe: France Takes a Step Back in Its History

PARIS — Many years ago in Ouagadougou, the dusty capital of Burkina Faso, a visiting couple from France ordered dinner in a French-owned restaurant called Le Safari whose offerings included dishes listed as “selon arrivage,” loosely translated as “depending on availability.”

The overhead thunder of a French airliner on final approach to landing offered a more telling definition.

“Not long now,” the owner told the impatient couple. And, as promised, a rickety moped driven by a man in robes arrived from the airport within minutes, bearing chilled oysters to landlocked northwest Africa, fresh from distant Paris.

The episode seemed to say something about the umbilical cord binding France and its former colonies, like Burkina Faso, in a hard-nosed relationship designed to anchor French ways and to secure French benefits in commerce, diplomacy and influence going far beyond a plate of fines de claire.

But the relationship always had its darker, more muscular side. A year before the dinner at Le Safari, in another West African nation, 1,000 French soldiers had deployed to resist a southward advance by Libyan troops in Chad, intent on blocking what was depicted as a vision of Islamic expansionism sponsored by the former Libyan leader, Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi.

Almost 30 years later, the echoes of that moment — and many others like it — resonate through the fighting in Mali, whose desert north has become a crucible of Islamic fervor where French troops now risk being drawn into a protracted campaign to cement at least a semblance of government control.

And, much as President François Hollande of France denies that his country is still the gendarme of francophone Africa, the columns of French soldiers and planeloads of paratroops embroiled in the newest fighting recall much earlier campaigns.

“There was a time when General Faidherbe pursued armed bands attacking the forts of the Sahel, and even then they professed radical Islam,” Bertrand Badie, a political science scholar in Paris, wrote in Le Monde, referring to Gen. Louis Faidherbe, who played a central role in solidifying French interests in the broad swath of desert known as the Sahel in the 19th century. “What have we done since then?”

For many years, French military intervention in Africa functioned as the guardian of French economic interests and of the large expatriate French communities who benefited from them in cities like Libreville in Gabon and Abidjan in Ivory Coast. French troops defined the longevity of protégé African leaders. The French presence was a postcolonial bulwark, too, against British influence in southern and eastern Africa.

When Graham Greene crossed the border between Liberia and what was then the French colony of Guinea in the 1930s, as he recounted in his “Journey Without Maps,” the Liberians did not call their neighbor “Guinea” but “France,” so pervasive was French colonial influence.

But French Socialists, including Mr. Hollande, have long professed unease with the role of post-imperial puppet-masters.

As recently as December, when rebel forces advanced on Bangui, the capital of the Central African Republic, France dispatched 600 soldiers there. “If we’re present, it is not in order to protect a regime,” Mr. Hollande declared. “It’s to protect our citizens and our interests and in no way to intervene in the internal affairs of a country.”

The era of interference, he said, “is over with.”

A few days later, his words might have seemed somewhat premature when French warplanes halted a lightning southward advance by Islamist extremists in northern Mali. Paris deployed 4,000 soldiers for a ground campaign to recapture the insurgents’ northern redoubts.

After the quagmire of Afghanistan, welcome to the shifting sands of Sahelistan.

Mr. Hollande, indeed, had already cast the jihadi presence in northern Mali not in terms of a challenge to Francafrique, as the pervasive French presence in its former African colonies is known, but in the global terms of an international struggle against terrorism. “We face a threat that concerns the entire world,” Mr. Hollande told the United Nations in September.

That assessment, said Patrick Smith, the editor of a London-based newsletter, Africa Confidential, has spread a “geopolitical patina” over the “very, very local” mistakes and miscalculations in Mali and elsewhere.

Indeed, as France seeks an exit strategy based on handing over the fight to Malian and West African troops, “the next part of the war is going to be much more complicated,” Mr. Smith said in an interview.

Many years ago, when the French Foreign Legion had been drawn into an easy contest against rebels in what was called Zaire, a French diplomat in the capital, Kinshasa, concluded that “in Africa, there are never big battles.”

The official may have been making comparisons with cataclysms woven into French history, like the Somme during World War I, or Dien Bien Phu in Vietnam. But, if Mr. Hollande is borne out in his analysis of the jihadi menace, Sahelistan might just put the diplomat’s adage to a critical test.

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IHT Rendezvous: Meditations on the F1 Season to Come - and on 20 Seasons Run

PARIS — The 2013 Formula One season has not really begun. The first race takes place on March 17 in Melbourne. But with the launches of the new cars and the first four days of test sessions ending on Friday, the seeds have been planted. What kind of plant is not easy to figure out.

I have been observing from the sidelines for a couple of weeks, watching the fanfare of the car launches —or rather, the lack of fanfare — and watching the lap-by-lap action on the track in Jerez, Spain. And I have, every day, kept throwing around ideas in my head and saying: So what’s the conclusion? What’s to say? The cars, most of them, are merely the technical evolutions of last year’s cars.

They all look fairly similar — although some, thank goodness, have smoothed out that ugly nose problem of last season — and there is a good reason for it: There is very little change in the technical regulations from last season. The big changes will all occur next year, especially with the change in the engine specification. So what is there to say about these cars?

Had to wait to see them on the track. Now, it is common knowledge within Formula One and to most fans that the first winter test sessions of the new cars reveal and mean very little. The engineers are not forced into running their cars to racing specifications, and they can test parts that would be deemed illegal in a race. They can run on low fuel to get great results to attract sponsors, or they can sandbag — run heavy with lots of fuel and ballast — to hide how fast their cars are to the competition.

That said, the tests often do give an idea of who is strong, and who is not. Last year, Ferrari was clearly off the pace — by 1.6 seconds, no less — and that weighed on the whole season for the Italian team. The Lotus was fast, though, and that showed early in the season too. So what about the last four days?

None of it seemed to make sense: Jenson Button started the first session as the fastest car in the McLaren Mercedes, setting his fastest time on the hard tires, which begged the question: “What could he do on the faster soft tires????”

Felipe Massa, days later, when he was the fastest car of the day, in a Ferrari, still moaned about the speed of Button’s lap, even though it was slower than his. But it all had to do with tires and track conditions. Then there was the Lotus, with Romain Grosjean setting a fastest lap, and then Kimi Raikkonen doing the same. And there were the amazingly fast laps of the new Toro Rosso car and the Force India.

And there was Lewis Hamilton’s first test as part of the Mercedes team. (Many people criticized him for changing teams while he was secure in his seat at McLaren.) Hamilton ended up running off the track with broken brakes after his first few lap. But he came back strongly and left the session on Friday smiling.

It was after taking all of this action in that I finally realized that there was a take-away, despite the story seeming to change ever day. And that was it: the story this coming season may well change from one race to another, one session to another, as it had for the first part of last season.

The cars are currently so close together — except for the ones like the Marussia and the Caterham, the smaller teams — that there could be a lot of shifting around of the powers that be.

If this be the case, we’re in for another great and interesting season. On the other hand, this was just the first winter test session, and we have two more to go, starting with the one in Barcelona on Feb. 19.

Oh, and another thing that left me asking myself metaphysical and existential questions in the last few days is that this whole first test session week happened at a time when a very little talked about, but significant thing happened in American journalism regarding Formula One.

I’m talking about an 8,152-word article in the Feb. 4th issue of the The New Yorker all about Formula One. “The Art of Speed; Bringing Formula One to America,” by Ben McGrath, is a well-written and entertaining, but surface-scratching story introducing Formula One to America.

I thoroughly enjoyed it, and felt really stimulated seeing the great New Yorker magazine, a high-brow literary colossus of American journalism, giving this much space and interest to the sport I have been covering for so many years for the International Herald Tribune and The New York Times. One of the things that intrigued me was that unlike, for instance, The Economist, or other major publications that don’t usually write about the sport, when they do they blast it for some scandal or another, the New Yorker story read like a beginner’s guide to F1.

It was, as the title suggested, an introduction to America of this series that has never pierced the American consciousness the way other forms of auto racing — like Nascar — have, probably simply because there are no American heroes involved in it today.

On the other hand, like the season testing, it also left me wondering just how often Formula One has to be introduced to America after a history that goes back more than 60 years, and two Formula One world champion American drivers, one of whom is named Mario Andretti.

Well, with a New Yorker magazine anointment, I’d say that’s a pretty big step right there.

Of course, this idea of how many times F1 has to be re-introduced to America also reminded me suddenly that 2013 marks the 20th anniversary of my own beginning covering the sport for the International Herald Tribune, when I published my first ever story in the paper on the series: Grand Prix Racing: 1993 Is Shaping Up Great Despite FISA

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Berlusconi Remains the Wild Card in Italy Race

ROME — One candidate promised to drop an unpopular new property tax and refund all prior payments in cash. Another called that proposal a “poisoned meatball,” disconnected from reality. A third suggested that Al Qaeda blow up the Italian Parliament — then backtracked — and the man generally considered the front-runner is campaigning on vague promises of stability, so has often been ignored.

With only two weeks to go before national elections, the Italian campaign has become a surreal spectacle in which a candidate many had given up for dead, former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, has surged. Although he is not expected ever to govern again, with his media savvy and pie-in-the-sky offers of tax refunds, Mr. Berlusconi now trails the front-runner, Pierluigi Bersani, the leader of the Democratic Party, by about five or six points, according to a range of opinion polls published on Friday.

The polls found that the former comedian Beppe Grillo, who made the Qaeda quip as part of his antipolitical campaign, is close behind in third place, while the caretaker prime minister, Mario Monti, who made the “poisoned meatball” remark as he stepped up attacks on Mr. Berlusconi in an awkward transition from technocrat to candidate, is taking up the rear with around 10 percent to 15 percent of the vote.

Most analysts predict that the center-left will win, but with not enough votes to govern without forming an alliance with Mr. Monti’s centrists. Yet in a complex political landscape — and with significant policy differences between Mr. Monti and Mr. Bersani, who have been criticizing each other in their campaigns — nothing is a given, and the political uncertainty weighs on financial markets.

Some compare the election to a power struggle on a corporate board. “Mr. Berlusconi knows he can’t govern, but wants a strong seat at the table,” said Marco Damilano, a political reporter for L’Espresso, a weekly. The Democratic Party will have the majority of seats but will not be able to govern without making accords, he said, adding that “Monti wants the golden share,” in which his few seats count for a lot.

Many outsiders marvel at the survival skills of Mr. Berlusconi, who dragged down Italy’s finances and international standing to the point that Mr. Monti was brought on in November 2011 to lead an emergency technocratic government that lasted a year. But at least a good part of Mr. Berlusconi’s success has to do with his competition.

Mr. Monti lacks a strong party and has hit Italians with unpopular taxes, and centrists who might lean left are concerned that Mr. Bersani would be weak on the flagging economy. On top of that, Mr. Berlusconi, whose center-right People of Liberty is more a charismatic movement than a party, has true loyalists who do not know where else to turn.

“Berlusconi is politically dead, but his electorate is still there and it is looking for a new leader, and there isn’t one,” said Massimo Franco, a political columnist for the daily newspaper Corriere della Sera. “So it’s a sort of a nostalgic operation.”

In an auditorium near the Vatican, Mr. Berlusconi was greeted Thursday by rows of adoring fans, most of them retirees. “Ah,” he said. “It reminds me of the good old days.” Joking about his age, the 76-year-old former premier added: “I looked at myself in the mirror and saw someone who didn’t look like me. They don’t make mirrors the way they used to.”

In a two-hour off-the-cuff speech, he returned to familiar themes: depicting the left as unreconstructed, cold-war Communists; magistrates as politically motivated; the euro and Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany as harming Italy; and Mr. Monti as a leader beholden to foreign interests who did nothing but raise taxes.

His supporters were mostly buying it. “Even if he doesn’t refund us the property tax, at least he’ll take it away,” said Francesca Cipriani, 70, a retiree, as she cheered Mr. Berlusconi.

“My house is worth 20 percent less,” Nicola Manichelli, 75, a retired taxi driver, chimed in.

Marcello Sorgi, a columnist for the Turin daily newspaper La Stampa, said: “Berlusconi voters fear that Monti will raise taxes, and that under Berlusconi that won’t happen. It’s not at all true, but Berlusconi’s propaganda works with his electorate.”

“His electorate still has a messianic, religious rapport with him,” Mr. Sorgi added.“Berlusconi is considered a kind of guru.”

Not so with Mr. Monti, who is beloved in Brussels, Berlin and Washington, but has been less popular with Italian voters. As he learns to campaign, Mr. Monti, an economist with no previous political experience, has sought the services of the political consulting firm AKPD Message and Media, whose co-founder, David Axelrod, President Obama’s key political strategist, visited Mr. Monti in Rome last month.

Mr. Monti, who is trying to capture the civic-minded centrists from both right and left who once voted for the centrist Christian Democrats before the party disbanded in a corruption scandal in the early 1990s, also opened a Facebook page. He uses it to post folksy musings that some critics say are undermining the authority of the slyly ironic but hardly showmanlike candidate instead of humanizing him.

Last week, an interviewer presented Mr. Monti with a puppy on live television, days after Mr. Berlusconi had appeared with one. “This is a mean blackmail,” Mr. Monti said with a smile, before stroking the fluffy pet and saying, “Feel how soft it is.”

Mr. Bersani, a longtime party veteran and former economic growth minister, speaks more to the old guard of the Italian left. He defeated Matteo Renzi, the charismatic 38-year-old mayor of Florence, in a rare party primary and has been running on the slogan “A Just Italy,” a message aimed at reassuring voters but which may not inspire them.

In a half-hour speech on Thursday to party loyalists, including municipal workers and frustrated university adjunct teachers, Mr. Bersani called attention to youth unemployment and the disconnect between the real economy and financial markets, and called for economic stimulation to help more people have steady jobs. “Europe isn’t just the fiscal compact,” he said.

Both Mr. Berlusconi and Mr. Bersani appear to speak more to their own constituencies than to the nation as a whole, long a characteristic of Italian politics. Faced with a political class that seems stuck in the past, Mr. Grillo and his antipolitical Five Star Movement have been gaining ground in the polls, campaigning in piazzas across Italy.

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